Resistance in the Middle East

"Revolution appears to a conservative as collective madness only because it raises the 'normal' insanity of social contradictions to the highest possible tension. Just as people dislike to recognize themselves in a bold caricature. And yet the entire modern development condenses, strains, and accentuates the contradictions and makes them unbearable, consequently preparing that state of mind when the great majority “goes mad.” But in such cases, the insane majority puts the straitjacket on the sane minority. Thanks to this, history keeps moving along."

-Leon Trotsky, My Life

On December 17, Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire after being humiliated by the police and had his wheelbarrow of goods confiscated from him. His death led to protests throughout the country that culminated in the overthrow of the Western-backed dictator, Ben Ali, on the 14^th of January. These were secular protests by men and women, fighting back against high food prices and against the corrupt government. In addition, trade unions played a large role in the struggle. As David McNally writes in his article Tunisia and the Global Crisis, “Trade unions, quiescent for years and their leaders initially hesitant to join the struggle, became key hubs of resistance thanks to pressure by rank-and-file members. Spurred into action and radicalized by events, the General Union of Tunisian Workers began organizing rallies and launched a general strike.”  Tunisia shows what is possible when labor is united. Protests continue in Tunisia as the demonstrators continue to demand the renouncement of Cabinet members that were tied to the Ben Ali dictatorship that have remained in power.

Not only in Tunisia, but throughout the Middle East, in Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Algeria, demonstrators are rising against the neoliberal authoritarian regimes. Tunisia is now an inspiration for the protestors in these countries; one of the people participating in Egypt’s January 25 protests wrote, "I hope the [Tunisia-style] revolution will be taught in history. And that Egyptians will learn in school later about the January 25th revolution” and Queen Rania of Jordan received tweets from Jordanians such as, “Jordan is next!” The hegemonic Western press, always a proponent of the U.S. government’s strong support of democracy (if democracy means a despotic police-state), has expressed deep concern about these movements. Robert Kaplan wrote in an op-end New York Times piece, “And it was democracy that brought the extremists of Hamas to power in Gaza. In fact, do we really want a relatively enlightened leader like King Abdullah in Jordan undermined by widespread street demonstrations? We should be careful what we wish for in the Middle East.” We should be careful about those Arabs who want to choose their own fate by deposing “enlightened” monarchs, because if left to govern by the people of the Middle East, the region would be anti-U.S., anti-IMF and anti-Israel, and that is of course unacceptable. Also trembling with fear at the possibility of a real people’s democracy are the Arab despots themselves; just a few days after Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia, Emir Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad, the ruler of Kuwait, ordered the distribution of $4 billion, along with free food for fourteen months. The quisling Palestinian Authority in the West Bank for its part closed down a pro-Tunisian demonstration that was staged there, grabbing a Tunisian flag from a demonstrator on the grounds that it was “disturbing the peace.”

The uprisings in the Middle East of course did not appear out of thin air and have a historical context behind them. In the 1950s-1970s, especially with the nationalist pan-Arab governments headed by Nasser in Egypt, governments throughout the Middle East implemented social policies (notably free education, land reforms, and subsidized food) in order to retain the support of the lower classes. A string of autocratic, pro-Western governments afterwards ended these policies and imposed neoliberal policies in their place through privatization and trade liberalization. The Ben Ali regime in Tunisia, for example, “enthusiastically supported” the U.S.-North African Economic Partnership, which was “designed to promote U.S. investment in, and economic integration of, the Maghreb region” and received millions of dollars in assistance from this program . These neoliberal policies have been complemented with a violent police force to brutally suppress protestors. Egypt’s minimum wage has not risen since 1984 (it is $6.30 a month) and have met with great protests over the years, including hundreds of thousands participating in factory occupations and strikes. In addition, the number of worker demonstrations in Egypt has increased in recent years from 97 in 2002 to 742 in 2009 (http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2010/05/201052161957263202.html) According to Joel Beinin (whose full article is worth reading) The Trotskyist Revolutionary Socialists and The Communist Party are among those that have “made some gains among workers since 2004.” The militancy level of the workers in the Middle East is on the rise, as evidenced by the active presence labor had in the Tunisian uprising.

Blogger As’ad Abukhalil wrote, "When the Russian Revolution erupted, it was said that the Socialist Revolution broke in the least likely of places. Similarly, this Arab uprising in Tunisia, was in the most unlikely of places--if only because the West, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, and World Bank insisted that Tunisia is the model government for Muslims." What happened and is occurring in Tunisia and throughout the Middle East shows the power  of people when they unite in struggle against neoliberalism and oppression. Let’s hope these struggles will be just the beginning for this new year and that people throughout the Middle East and throughout the world in general, including the student movements in places like Puerto Rico and Great Britain and the protests in Greece, will continue rise against oppression with more vehemence than ever.